Coming Soon最新博格

「運動份子」系列是由Coming Soon自2005年製作,藉影片到不同單位播放分享,希望以社區電影(Community Film)形式分享,與觀影者直接交流對社會運動及拍攝紀錄片的想法。2009年11月中,我們建立了新博格,歡迎瀏覽:http://comingsoonhk.wordpress.com/

2009年2月17日 星期二

請支持我們

各位朋友,

我們都是運動份子,心裡常常有為自己為社會做一點事的衝動。不管是上街遊行爭取公義、集會結社推動社會發展或是提筆批判時政,都是我們認為應該做的事。近幾年,我們開始拍攝運動份子紀錄片。

那年我們完成《why馬國明? why Benjamin?》,首映後,監製何芝君問主角馬國明喜不喜歡這部紀錄片,馬國明沒說喜歡沒說不喜歡,只平和地說:「不過是留給下一代的記憶。」

是的,我和何芝君也這麼想。一代人的歷史就由一代人來訴說罷。我們年事不輕,既然靈光一閃,就坐言起行。何芝君手頭有點餘錢,她捐了出來做拍攝基金,然後我們有了《她的反世貿》。2006整整一年,我們在社區及大學做了21場放映及討論會,每次都是免費的。經我們呼籲,有心的年輕人偶而會捐款贊助。金額不多,意義卻很重大──因為有了他們的捐助,紀錄片就不得不拍下去。

所以之後我們又有《why馬國明? why Benjamin?》。馬國明書迷多,未開拍已有充裕的贊助;放映後捐款陸續有來。馬國明也捐了一批英文書義賣,讓我們很安心地拍《革命.女》。

社會運動沒有終止之期,運動份子系列也會沒完沒了地拍下去。如果你也希望給我們的下一代留一點影像故事,請支持我們。

何芝君和我沒有在基金中支取任何報酬,期間還有再注資,並且也有贊助其他人的錄像製作及寫作計劃,貫徹資源共享的原則。所有支出都是給替紀錄片做後期工作的年輕人,而且並不是按市場價格支付,大家都是半義務性質。請放心,我們不會亂花錢。有興趣了解基金運用詳情,歡迎向我們查詢。

期待你的好消息。謝謝。

2009年2月16日 星期一

《革命.女》本事



我們讀大專時,陳寶瑩已參與社會運動,並且以很高的姿態走在運動最前端。當大家還在問問題搞清楚社會事件的來龍去脈時,她已經走上街頭派傳單,向群眾公告他們的觀點。好了,我們說不如到運動現場研究一下大家可以做些什麼罷,她已經拉起橫額和革命同志一起示威去了。終於我們做好行動準備,她卻在會議上糾纏大家辯論原則和立場問題…好煩,大家都說她是托派,很政治。

七八十年代,政治是令人恐懼的,托派是神憎鬼厭的,寶瑩一派沒什麼,繼續她的政治生活,努力介入大小社會運動。她有輪廓鮮明美麗而剛烈的面孔,站起來腰身畢挺,體態健康,在運動份子中,外型極其突出,甘神父說她有點意大利女明星的風采。而我總是不能忘記她一個人在浸會大學的斜路上派傳單的情景:你派你的,同學在她身旁穿過,沒多少人有興趣,她卻沒受打擊,傲慢地在孤寂的環境中堅守信念,真像一齣電影的開場或結局。

寶瑩有時是主角有時不。《革命.女》紀錄了寶瑩近幾年的某些政治生活片段,鏡頭下的她,似乎跟其他人很有牽連,和以前有點不一樣。三十年間,香港的政治現實改變了,寶瑩呢?她的行動與說話,或許讓我們對很政治的她有最基本的理解。

監制:何芝君
導演:江瓊珠
DV 59分鐘 彩色
廣東話對白 中英文字幕
製作年份:2009‧6

2009年2月15日 星期日

組織這麼說

電影、文學和政治影響了她的一生。

小學階段,寶瑩和姐姐沉迷看電影。一有空,便翻開報紙看電影廣告。

家住深水埗,但遠至國泰,東城,京都等,那些在灣仔的戲院,她們一樣去。六十年代末期,交通還不算發達,兩姐妹,不怕路途有多遙長,想看就去。

有次發現一齣電影叫《風月寶鑑》,以為是Ken Russell 的《women in love》,公餘場,票價稍平,兩姐妹又興高彩烈仆倒去,黑暗中,才知道是另一部日本咸濕戲...

中學後期,寶瑩加入火鳥電影會。在佐敦道一幢舊樓裡,瘋狂看歐陸電影。一齣戲,反反覆覆地看它三五七遍。安東尼奧尼、貝托魯奇、費里尼等大師作品,更加令她沉醉。電影的真實與虛妄,冷靜和熱情,激發她無窮的想像。

內文詳見: http://revolutionw-screening.blogspot.com/2009/02/blog-post_18.html

2009年2月7日 星期六

特別感謝!

因為有了你們的捐款與支持,「運動份子」系列方得以順利開拍和放映。
我們特此向各位致上深深謝意!

張漢德先生
勞少延女士
梁享南先生
林小慧女士
梁旭明女士
麥肖玲女士
黃紫紅女士

(排名不分先後)

2009年2月5日 星期四

捐款方法

1. 支票:請把劃線支票寄往「香港筲箕灣耀東邨耀明樓1215室 (譚靄君收)」,抬頭請寫 "Lai Siu Fung";

2. 銀行轉賬:請轉賬至恒生銀行:330-6-076070,請把入數紙寄給我們,以便紀錄。

* 寄上支票及入數紙時,請附上姓名、聯絡電話及回郵地址,以便發回收據。

** 由於我們不想申請為社團,故支票及轉賬款項均由義務會計黎小鳳代收,並由宣傳譚靄君核對。收到捐款後,我們會發出正式收據,以及透過電郵組,定期向捐款人匯報計劃進度和財政收入。但因我們並非註冊社團,故捐款未能有提供慈善免稅,請諒。

如有捐款查詢,請聯絡叉燒包(9278 4664)或chabaotam@gmail.com

我拍得出/拍不出的馬國明

1977年,馬國明是天主教大專聯會會長(簡稱聯會)。火紅學運已近尾聲,餘波未了,各路運動份子經常滙聚聯會,沒完沒了地開關社會議。我偶然也上去湊熱鬧。那個年代,青年學生硬啃大堆頭左翼理論算是小眾潮流,聯會自學成風。吳俊雄來介紹過阿爾杜塞爾;吳仲賢講不斷革命論;馬國明也會論及新左思潮;曾經誤傳曾澍基就《紅樓夢》發表讀書心得;最引為佳話的是意大利神父周偉文操著一口流利的廣東話行雲流水地講解葛蘭西的霸權主義──傾倒眾生,那是聯會最動人的一則傳說。

內文詳見:http://revolutionw-screening.blogspot.com/2009/02/blog-post_5310.html

她的反世貿

我很莽撞,才按下攝錄機掣,劈頭便問:「世貿於你何干?」

彩鳳像無端被刺了一針,懊惱地說我不該問這個問題。她說她可以知性地羅列一百個反對世貿的理由,就是不習慣凡事通過理性分析作出因果邏輯關係的陳述。深植於她腦海的意識是:世貿是一台以強凌弱的國家機器,是一場無中生有的暴力。她以此作為前提,展開她的反世貿行動。

內文詳見: http://revolutionw-screening.blogspot.com/2009/02/blog-post_390.html

Her Anti-WTO

I was blunt and asked her directly the moment I pressed the record button on the camcorder, “What's the WTO to you?”

Choi Fung reacted as if she was stung, and replied testily that I should not have asked this question. She said, rationally, she could list a hundred justifications for an anti-WTO stance, however she was not accustomed to operating this type of cause and consequence rationale. Her deeply held conviction was that the WTO is a mechanism with which strong countries bully weaker ones with unprecedented violence. This was what spurred her into undertaking anti-WTO activities.

Full article: http://revolutionw-screening.blogspot.com/2009/02/her-anti-wto_18.html

製作隊伍

《革命‧女》製作人員

監制:何芝君
導演/攝影:江瓊珠
剪接:黃愛生
後期製作:鄭健業
字幕謄寫:李旋
版畫創作:花苑
繪本創作:阿高
宣傳:叉燒包

《why 馬國明?why Benjamin?》


海報設計:阿高

Poster Design:Ahko



多年以後,或許有人相信那是段流金歲月--青年學生跑上來尋書問道;書痴清早來過午後又再訪;讀者流連,捧著大師的新作,凝神膜拜...他們都說,書的背後,是馬國明,是一個人不妥協的高品位選擇。小小一間書店,溢滿幾代人關於理論、關於知識、關於學問,款款深情的追尋與探求。時代不知是前進了還是倒退了,2006年6月24日,書店搞了一個結業派對。香港唯一的獨立英文學術書店,堅守二十八年後,終究還是走到這一步。




記錄片《why馬國明? why Benjamin?》敘述馬國明與曙光書店的前因後果。讀者戀戀難捨,馬國明頭也不回輕鬆上路。有人認為這是歷史任務的完成。歷史是什麼?是偶然與吊詭,還是經驗的不斷重複?或許,他的偶像班雅明會比較清楚。


出品人:張漢德

監製:何芝君

導演:江瓊珠

DV 56分鐘 彩色

廣東話對白 中英文字幕

製作年份:2006



In the years to come, some may believe that was a golden era – young students who came in search of books and enlightenment; bibliophiles returning in the afternoon only after their morning visits; readers loitering, clutching new works by eminent writers, focused and admiring… They all say that behind the books is Ma Kwok Ming, a man who is uncompromising in his elite taste and choice. A modest bookshop filled with generations of people in loving search and exploration of theories, knowledge, and erudition. It is not certain if the era has progressed or regressed. On 24 June 2006, the bookshop held a farewell party. The only independent English academic bookshop in Hong Kong eventually arrived at its final stage after 28 persistent years.




This documentary, “why Ma Kwok Ming?why Benjamin?”, traces the wherefores and whys of Ma Kwok Ming and Twilight bookshop. While readers find it hard to let go, Ma Kwok Ming steps into the future with ease without turning back. Some think this is an accomplishment of a historical mission. But what is history? A series of chance and paradox, or a perpetual repetition of experiences? Maybe his idol, Walter Benjamin, will have a better idea.




Sponsor:Lucas Chang
Producer:Ho Chi Kwan
Director:Kong King Chu
DV / 56 Mins / Colour / Cantonese with Chinese/English Subtitles
Produced in 2006

2009年2月4日 星期三

《她的反世貿》本事

硬照攝影:謝明莊
Cinematographer:Tse Ming Chong

她說她不惜犧牲性命反世貿.
喧鬧過後,她平安無恙,世貿沒被拉倒.
個人力量何其渺少,她心情忽高忽低,彷彿知道這是一場沒完沒了的運動.

出品人:何芝君
導演:江瓊珠
DV / 彩色 / 114分鐘
廣東話對白 / 中英文字幕
製作年份:2006

She said she was prepared to die, to defy W.T.O.
After all the commotion,she is safe and sound. W.T.O. still stands erect.Individual power is pitifully meagre,she oscillates between feeling good and bad, as if she knows this is a never-ending movement.
Sponsor:Ho Chi Kwan
Director:Kong King Chu
DV / Colour / 114 mins.
Cantonese with Chinese / Eng Subtitles
Produced in 2006

花苑簡介

版畫設計:花苑

也可叫她陳花。生於八十年代。剛完成了展覽女子集作——花苑版畫小展」。 06年參與創作雜誌《月台》(http://rrgreen.com/) ,為美編。 07年加入香港獨立媒體網(http://inmediahk.net/),為編輯。

多以版畫做插圖,作品曾於《明報周刊》、《經濟日報》、《月台》、《字花》、《MUSE 瞄》、《女流》及散見於社會運動出版物或文學書籍上。

天蠍座,喜歡女人腳、雀斑、抽煙、白光及白光年代產物。詞彙貧乏,容易語塞。相信天蠍座不死力量,家有兄弟貓兩只--大鐵及小鐵。

關於花苑和她的創作,歡迎聯絡:kardenc@gmail.com
也可以到訪她的博客 : neverwhatever.blogspot.com

2009年2月3日 星期二

《她的反世貿》全文

我很莽撞,才按下攝錄機掣,劈頭便問:「世貿於你何干?」

彩鳳像無端被刺了一針,懊惱地說我不該問這個問題。她說她可以知性地羅列一百個反對世貿的理由,就是不習慣凡事通過理性分析作出因果邏輯關係的陳述。深植於她腦海的意識是:世貿是一台以強凌弱的國家機器,是一場無中生有的暴力。她以此作為前提,展開她的反世貿行動。

彩鳳的反世貿行動比「民間反世貿聯盟」來得早,也比他們結束得遲,彩鳳說,她和她的朋友正準備儲蓄,參加下一場反世貿抗爭。

早在暑假,彩鳳他們到處放映反世貿記錄片,希望公眾關注即將舉行的會議。其後又搞了社運電影節,企圖集結力量。會議正式開始前的一個星期天,她們在西洋菜街南行人專用區搞了一個「反詩世謬」的街頭行動。每逢星期天,這條街格外熱鬧。手提電話推銷攤檔、政黨論壇、非政府機構籌款,彼此交纏錯叠,似乎大家都在實習如何使用公共空間。

彩鳳一干人等也不是第一次來到這條街上。她們經常勞師動眾推著視聽器材去放政治短片。在街上搞活動有時順利有時要糾纏到警局去。然而,街道是公眾的,她們喜歡以行動探索人和街道的關係。不斷的出現重複的使用,或許可以重新定義一條街的性質,甚至改變它的能量和面貌。

那天,長長的橫額剛鋪在地上,警察便來問三問四,大概是不明白什麼叫「橫詩街頭」。警察以為他們做街頭劇,故作熟知行情的問:「你們是好戲量的罷?」其實他們只是在讀詩。路過的行人可以隨便拿一首摺成元寶狀的新詩,留念或朗讀。首首詩歌,都在提醒大家世貿已經殺到埋身。街道旁有一個巨大的廣告屏幕,聲響爆天,幾位青年人輪流讀詩,有一首是鄧阿藍的:暖化全球天氣暖化了/水源短缺下去/饑餓的動物從枯林遷徙/國際世貿大廈內牆剝蝕/早已有昆蟲飛到城市覓食/瘦蟲餓透咬碎乾土/林子一日比一日乾枯/世貿會議時的貿爭響起……調子溫純平實,是以柔制剛的含蓄對抗。

行動型的彩鳳向來相信個體與個體間的溝通,理直氣壯的向駐足的阿叔解釋世貿與你何干。我隱隱約約聽到彩鳳說一杯咖啡賣多錢,一個工人什麼什麼的,阿叔唯唯諾諾,沒拿一首詩,便行。

如歌的前奏過後,是忽強忽弱的躁動與不安。

反世貿大遊行第一天,我跟彩鳳在集會現場做了一次簡短的訪問。才開機,她便別過頭去,鏡頭靜止了三十秒,她才忍著眼淚說:「我很擔心,真的很擔心。怕支援韓國農民的人太少。」她已打算豁出去,與抗爭者并肩同行。連日來不住構思行動,不惜被捕,唯一的牽掛是父母,所以彩鳳給他們寫了一封信,也把餘錢轉到父母的銀行戶口去。彩鳳的反世貿意向,比我想像中沉重。

第一次遊行平安結束。那晚維園有嘉年華,各地年輕人唱歌跳舞反WTO。彩鳳在空地上燒香拜祭,臉容焦灼。第二天,彩鳳他們來到金紫荊廣場,在傍晚六點封場前進行了一個「制世貿,悼亡魂」的抗議行動。她語調仍然緊張,對著鏡頭說:「最悲哀是沒有人覺得要為抗爭世貿死去的人做一點事。」甚麼叫作做一點事,彩鳳沒好好解說。幫忙現場收音的朋友打岔問了彩鳳一個問題:「只顧搞個人行動有什麼意義?」彩鳳沒有怯縮,蠻有信心的說:「沒有人知道個人在運動中發揮的力量有多大。集體一定有所成就嗎?你覺得民主黨做了很多事情嗎?」以「無組織」方式參與社會運動五年,彩鳳自我感覺良好。                                                                

她這個「制世貿」行動是在大遊行當天以傳紙仔方式通知同道中人的,有點起義的暗秘。我的朋友接過小傳單,笑問:為什麼不把小傳單包在月餅裡?金紫荊廣場不遠處就是會議展覽中心,各國部長開會的地方,通過官商勾結,明天就是禁區了。花花的陽光灑在幾個年輕人臉上,我看見的,是比太陽更燦爛的光和亮。我其實很好奇她們下一步會做什麼。現場有很多攝影記者,一個一個跪在地上爭角度取景,那份不容有失的肅穆簡直是把那幾位搞拜祭行動的年輕人神聖化了。

彩鳳他們一步一步向灣仔方向拜過去,記者不敢鬆懈。忽而背後有人向採主報告:「佢地離開金紫荊,唔知係咪去衝擊。」原來彩鳳她們只是去藝術中心飲下午茶,背後卻跟來幾個便衣。

「制世貿」行動意外地上了頭版,彩鳳仍然很苦惱。世貿會議舉行在即,她和她的朋友還沒想到有效阻止世貿進行的辦法,於是晚晚通宵撻旦開會,商量行動。青春的腦袋特別聰明活潑,第二次大遊行,彩鳳他們一早來到維園,在地上攤了一條長白布,布上寫:如果禁區不義,人民豈能不踏前一步?

這條白布是遊行道具,我早就知道彩鳳他們不甘於呆巴巴的走在示威人堆中,果然,才走出了維園,便失去了彩鳳他們的蹤影。再次趕上彩鳳他們時,已經看見示威隊伍被白布分成兩截,彩鳳他們不住喊:「cross the unjust line」如果禁區不義,大家何不踏前一步?彩鳳他們是要鼓動群眾闖禁區。直接行動的精神是擊中即走,這邊完事又往前邊跑去。最後來到示威區前,白布被拉成長長的一條,橫在警察面前,有人吹哨子有人喊口號,呼籲示威群眾踏前一步跨越不義禁區。彩鳳在人群中舞動肢體,短暫的亢奮蓋掩幾日來的鬱結情緒。一天過去,又是漫長的深夜行動會議。

沒有人知道韓農的行動計劃,彩鳳他們的配合支援只是在示威區準備大量救傷用品。他們當中,有三兩位因為反世貿而上了幾堂急救課,準備隨時效命。賞未有甚麼要他們救援,只見他們仍不停把生理鹽水搬出搬入,每天都檢查救援物資,以靜制動,踏實得可靠。手臂上掛著螢光紅十字,份外醒目,我給了他們一個大特寫。

行動是令人起勁的。朋友不是到維園就是跑到街上去,拍攝呀、遊行呀、運送物資呀……各人都以自己的方式在隊伍中感受抗爭的新生,平和而愉快。靜態的後援工作總是缺人,彩鳳無可奈何守在示威區,卻不時說:「其實我好想出去。」沒衝突時的示威區寂靜得發慌,海風刮得厲害,虛無在空氣中滋長。我揶揄彩鳳:抗爭很無所事事罷?她支吾了一聲便又馬上澄清:「抗爭并不無聊,有很多不起眼的工夫等著做。」

是的,彩鳳冇時停,電話出電話入。同志的連繫,消息的傳遞,在在需要有人協調和統籌。形勢不斷轉變,每個人在運動中的崗位也因外在環境而調適。無論多麼喜歡以直接行動介入運動,今天,彩鳳還是靜了下來,我算是看到她溫柔、體貼的一面。誰人帶來什麼物資,她總是責無旁貸地跑上前接應;有人喊肚餓,她馬上把手中的豬骨粥遞過去;我忘了帶DV帶,她及時相借,還替我把難纏的包裝紙拆除。

示威區不時有團體來抗議,聲聲Down Down W.T.O。忽而,傳來韓農三步一拜的最新消息,一直希望與韓國農民共同進退的彩鳳心情極其複雜。假如可以,她會立即加入韓農的跪拜行動,只是後勤基地需要有人留守,但她反應敏捷,馬上叫身旁幾位年輕朋友跑出示威區加入跪拜行列,以示支持。我在鏡頭前問彩鳳他們其中一位男生跪拜是怎麼一回事,那位男生平時沉默如影子,這個問題令他更加沉默,我只看見他搖搖頭,萬般思緒與感受,彷彿無從訴說。

韓農跪拜至示威區,彩鳳二話不說跟著隊伍一起跪拜。短短十數分鐘,拉近了彼此的距離。跪拜完畢,後排的韓農和彩鳳她們擁抱握手。彩鳳遞上隨身帶備的韓國香煙,打破連日來語言不通的隔膜。韓農教彩鳳他們喊韓語口號,加油、加油。雞同鴨講的亂說一通。充滿拙樸的天真。幾百個韓農在唱歌跳舞,激勵士氣。示威區殘留的胡椒氣味與歡笑交織,矛盾中,一種未可知的張力似乎正在醞釀。

跪拜感動了千千萬萬香港人,包括彩鳳他們。運動以來,我每天都給大動作的彩鳳送上一些甜食,比利時朱古力、么鳳馬仔、日本啤梨…….我把家中最好的,都帶去了,不外替她打打氣,也希望她開開心心搞運動。既然她的抗爭行動每天都有新搞作,我帶去的零食也就不該重複,那天正苦惱沒什麼好東西帶給她時,她和唯怡、阿Cat和阿古卻宣佈絕食了。

陽光依舊暴烈,幾天以來,我像上班一樣,拿著攝影機跟彩鳳的路線運行,「三步一拜」作為一種鬥爭策略,著實高明,我思忖彩鳳他們有什麼配合支援,所以比平常早來到示威區,誰知彩鳳他們比我更早,已一筆一劃地在白布上抄寫《絕食宣言》。自反世貿運動開始以來,他們一直在思考可以為韓國朋友做些什麼,彩鳳情緒的時高時低,就是苦惱自己不能為他們做些什麼。終於,以身體還以身體,彩鳳他們絕食了。「因為,絕食是面對極之強暴的力量,無法可施之下,唯有以自身作為武器的最和平抗爭方式」(摘自《絕食宣言》)。每天示威過後,彩鳳他們都召集行動會議,三步一拜的那個晚上,會議特別長,什麼才是一個對等的支援呢,想來想去,彩鳳他們想到了絕食。「然而,除了絕食,我們還可以怎樣表達對他們的敬意、關懷,並對製造貧窮的世貿及助紂為虐的香港政府表示憤怒和反抗呢?」(摘自《絕食宣言》)

彩鳳說,絕食,是當天早上五時才做的決定。四個人,全部第一次絕食。大家都很謙虛的說盡力而為。後來還加入三位朋友。七十小時過去,世貿會議閉幕,絕食者沒有一個倒下去,並且愈戰愈勇,從「三步一拜」到會議結束,其間還有警方蓄意癱瘓灣仔區,製造恐怖陰影,以及不人道拘禁九百多名示威者的暴行,絕食者沒有因為體能虛空而放緩手腳,示威群眾遭拘留期間,彩鳳和唯怡兩人還精神抖擻地聯繫在外的示威者,以確保各人的安全,有時還給某些人某些建議,好讓運動得以延續。

絕食也感動了好些人。絕食區一度變成風景線,記者採訪、同路人探問、好事者八卦、自由行拍攝留影,以及便衣警探虎視眈眈。絕食第二天,本來說話就沒有什麼力氣的彩鳳,對著鏡頭第一句便投訴便衣騷擾。兩句過後就躺下去休息了。旁邊的唯怡解釋,多少不明不白的男男女女打從他們身邊擦過,有人送湯有人替他們擋太陽,又有人要和彩鳳交朋友,矯情造作,在在都令人覺著偽善者的不懷好意。半夜三更,還有人來拍拖,直情是匪夷所思。彩鳳又不服氣,彈起身來,對著鏡頭,沙啞的說:「他們簡直是欺騙我的信任和感情。」從來不喜歡懷疑別人的彩鳳,這一刻,變得疑神疑鬼,每逢見著神色不對勁的陌生人,就激動的數落便衣一頓。

絕食區也順裡成章成為後勤基地,朋友都聚到這裡來。絕食者就把這裡當作生活的地方。唯怡在改學生功課,阿Cat在溫書,阿古在和朋友爭辯,彩鳳在講電話。不經不覺,我漸漸成為他們一份子。入夜,風從地底吹來,我索性蓋上棉被,和他們靠在一起。這時才發覺集體的力量是多麼豐盛。不僅抵擋尖冷低溫,還支撐彼此堅持下去的勇氣。怪不得每天來到絕食區,我看到的他們,總是那麼神采飛揚。還在唸大學的阿Cat眼神堅定,天塌下來,她那份不為所動的自信,足以抵擋一切;我記得那天,有人提到要參加反對政改第5號報告書燭光晚會,阿Cat不屑的說:「政改我理得佢死。」真有初生之犢的傲慢。阿古偏瘦且靦腆,人人都以為他捱不住絕食,誰知幾小時休息之後,他又繼續默默地支援,十多天以來,阿古只回家吃過一次二十多分鐘的冬至飯,其餘時間都在搞運動;唯怡比他們年長,社會運動經驗豐富,氣定神閒。那天早晨,我在鏡頭上看她改作業,那份書卷氣質,直迫當年的王丹,並且比他秀氣。決定絕食後,彩鳳比較定當,沒事的時候便睡,有事的時候便打醒十二分精神辦大事,能屈能伸,似乎很明白微小的個人在運動中的位置。

唯一忙亂的一次是警方在示威區以水砲射擊示威者,受害的朋友衝回絕食區,大家忙著替他們用鹽水沖眼,有人的攝錄機被水沖壞了,有人衣履盡濕,絕食區一下子成為救援中心,絕食者都起來打點,我的鏡頭也不得不靜止下來,幫一些小忙。志同道合的朋友都選擇了與韓農一起衝擊警察,有人很難過,感傷流淚,彩鳳見著,馬上起來衝到示威區去,企圖制止大家再去衝擊,只是場面混亂,我見她跑來撲去乾著急的樣子,就很後悔這一刻放棄了拍攝的任務。

那一夜的絕食區,出奇地安靜。年輕人都衝到告士打道去。會議快要閉幕,被拘捕的示威者卻命運未卜。絕食不可能就此完結,還有比這更強烈的抗爭行動嗎?結果大家決定把絕食行動延長,並移往觀塘警署直接聲援。

新的延續聲援行動,沒有引來傳媒的報導,卻實實在在讓被拘捕的韓農知道。那晚,觀塘警署門外不時有旅遊巴接來被拘捕的農民,支援者在叫囂,韓農揮手回應。從片刻的眼神接觸和短瞬的笑容中,我深信彼此該領受到團結的甜蜜。如果不感到孤單,抗爭的路,會走得更長、更遠。

接捧絕食的都是新人,二十四小時,當中包括我。從記錄者轉化成絕食者,是始料不及。我從來不是袖手旁觀的所謂客觀記錄者,但也沒想過要以絕食方式參與。居港權運動鬧得沸沸揚揚那段日子,我也考慮過陪甘仔絕食,結果沒實行,大概是因為怕,怕不知是否有能力。這次是因為在現場參與了彩鳳他們臨時召開的後續支援會議,並且提過意見,總覺得要互相支持,也真的想明白韓農的身心處境。絕食,是感受他人痛苦的一個手段。韓農跪拜那天,我訪問了一個放下攝錄機,從絕食區衝出去參與跪拜的16歲中學女生,她說:「人地男人老狗,做乜要跪你?一定是內心有很大的原因。」她跪,是要明白他人內心的騷動。不知她明白了沒有?我的二十四小時絕食只證明一個我從來不認識的事實:二十四小時太短,它不能成為一種對抗,無論於自身或外界。所以民主黨的二十四小時絕食是很可笑的,我的二十四小時絕食也沒有什麼值得言說。它只讓我知道被壓迫者絕地反抗的能力,可以是無限大。

還是彩鳳說得好,出發前,她鼓勵說:「還是那一句,不要恐懼。」沒有恐懼就設想不出後果。彩鳳是這樣完成她的七十小時絕食。記得絕食開始那天,她對著鏡頭說:「每個人的身體反應都不同,先不要以為自己會怎樣怎樣……不要讓自己的身體控制自己,要讓意志來決定行動……不要以為自己一定要每天吃三餐,我們一向是吃得太多了……」

她那邊的絕食深夜才結束,第二天中午,彩鳳便來了觀塘警署支援其他絕食者。睡過一覺,換了衣服,長髮洗過,閃閃亮亮,彩鳳好清新,我笑她,像林青霞啊,那把頭髮。她再度發揮了嚧寒問暖的角色,搬搬抬抬,做著老老實實的後勤支援。後來絕食區又移至斜對面的官塘法院,彩鳳他們繼續坐鎮。偶爾聊起才知道她在家裡是被愛寵的公主,飯來張口衣來伸手。不知何故來到絕食區,她甘心情願做阿四。

新的絕食示威區一樣自由放任。我最喜歡的是那種自把自為的獨立精神。你要表達什麼,用自己的方法好了,沒有誰管誰。官塘法院就在繁忙的馬路邊,有不相識的路人經過,知道是反世貿示威,就向彩鳳要求一個擴音器,彩鳳問用來做什麼,他含糊其詞,結果他拿著擴音器在路邊獨個兒喊口號:抗議世貿無罪,立即釋放被捕人士。聲調平板呆滯,足足喊了一小時。第二天,差不多同樣時間,他又來了,做相同的事,依舊沒有人隨他喊口號,他似乎也滿意這個局面。

在他喊口號的同時,也有人在打鼓,又有人用長竹支敲打法院的大門,嘗試製造特別的聲響。阿古和阿Cat把抗議標語舉到馬路邊。有一塊寫著「警察可恥」的抗議牌,不知被誰掛到巴士站去。用空膠樽拍打地板甚至是新奇的樂韻。大家都很自發地以原始的樂聲來抗議。沒有主持人,沒有人叫開始,也沒有人叫停止。不遠處有兩名警察在觀望,看來看去看不見暴力,珊然而去。一位打鼓的青年很高興,向大家報告說:「好嘢,打走兩個警察。」這場示威,既和諧又反建制,是人民踏前一步的印記。

運動已經從街頭政治來到建制政治的法律層面,大家無計可施。擾攘十多天,彩鳳他們還是覺得要延續運動的力量。聖誕節當晚,在崇光行人專用區,唱唱做做,要求無罪釋放被拘控的14人。我來到時,彩鳳坐在路邊睡覺,很疲累的樣子。其他人在做街頭劇;阿偉又即興作了一首新歌──世貿殺人,我地去抗爭;鎮壓了人民,我地好激憤;家陣要你立即放人,然後終止起訴……大家敲擊拍和,愈唱愈高亢。彷彿,希望就在不遠處。
我的鏡頭跟著跟他們的節奏跳動,靜下來時,回頭一看,彩鳳不見了。回家路上,手機上有一個彩鳳送來的短訊:今天太疲憊……可能是因為昨晚哭得過份……我仍然太著急……但不知可做到什麼!在這個節日……他們不能回到自己的家……還要留下受不義的法律審判……實在太令我想哭……

江瓊珠
2005/12/27

《我拍得出/拍不出的馬國明》全文

1977年,馬國明是天主教大專聯會會長(簡稱聯會)。火紅學運已近尾聲,餘波未了,各路運動份子經常滙聚聯會,沒完沒了地開關社會議。我偶然也上去湊熱鬧。那個年代,青年學生硬啃大堆頭左翼理論算是小眾潮流,聯會自學成風。吳俊雄來介紹過阿爾杜塞爾;吳仲賢講不斷革命論;馬國明也會論及新左思潮;曾經誤傳曾澍基就《紅樓夢》發表讀書心得;最引為佳話的是意大利神父周偉文操著一口流利的廣東話行雲流水地講解葛蘭西的霸權主義──傾倒眾生,那是聯會最動人的一則傳說。

二十多年後的今天,我上去尋找馬國明一干人等遺下的痕跡,聯會依舊,人面全非。當時聯會幹事辦過一份叫《曙輝》的學生刊物,談時論政,從油麻地搬遷事件到波蘭團結工會運動,既有人文氣息,也有國際視野。適值聯會大掃除,學生從雜物堆中尋回零散的《曙輝》,讓我拍個夠。望著那份刊物,幾位聯會青年有點事不關己的疏離。我問他們為什麼不把這份機關報辦下去,他們聳聳肩:你問停辦的那一屆吧。還好聯會每屆還是有同學「上莊」,我問他們是否認識馬國明這位前二十幾屆的會長,一位女生不太肯定的說:「聽過這個名字,好像是明星。」

我把女生的說話當笑話給馬國明轉述,馬國明沒被我逗笑,還附加了一則真人真事。據說他那位大專畢業的外甥女有天在書局看見一本《馬國明在讀什麼》,隨手翻了幾版,有些迷惘,只覺得內容很奇怪,好像不太明白,猶豫之間才醒覺:難道這位馬國明是舅父馬國明?原來外甥女第一個想起的是電視藝人馬國明。

或許因為我只認識一個馬國明,並且是從二十八年前開始的,所以我描述的馬國明很古典,甚至是這部記錄片拍不出來的。那時做所謂激進學生,除了組織學生會、辦學生報、參加示威遊行外,還時興搞小公社,過集體生活。我寄住的公社叫「巴芬道」,那條街短短的,在九龍塘界限街明愛後面,聯會在明愛六樓,與「巴芬道」關係緊密。「巴芬道」是一幢舊房子,書房、客廳、廚房,什麼都大,還有天井可供洗衣曬衣。樓底極高,睡房有幾間,住了男男女女十個八個學生,還有美國神父。如同其他小公社,巴芬道都是一個關社小團體,常有人來開各式各樣的政治會議。因為有宿友是國際天主教學生運動的秘書長,巴芬道比其他小公社國際化。三更半夜,常有不同國籍的青年拿著護照來投宿。自由之中,又有一點嚴謹,宿友對人對己頗有要求。畢竟,大家是同聲同氣才走在一起。

我在八十年代初期住進其中一間女生房的第三格床位,不算風光,竟還有競爭對手,要面試篩選才能成為宿友。負責面試的元老宿友跟我表示,希望住進來的人都有關社情懷,有相應的政治參與。我當時在荃灣一間由聯會幹事催生的工人夜校做義務導師,他們大概看中工人階級這個神聖光環,我戰兢而甜蜜地成為巴芬道一份子。一星期負責買餸煑一次大鑊飯,愈平愈合乎巴芬道反資本主義的經濟作風。馬國明在節約烹調方面真有一手,大豆芽菜滾豆腐、蒸水蛋、炒菜心,再加一個肉,十元八塊餵飽一屋人,從不超支。食,於馬國明不過是填飽肚子而己。錢,只會用來買書。除了知識,他似乎什麼都不渴求。衣服穿來穿去那幾件,當然不論時尚和款式。他有件老男人穿的國產短袖圓領全棉汗衣,纖維大部份破斷,靠稀寡棉線連著,一洞連一洞,像不幸被蜘蛛網纏身。他卻穿得很自在。宿友笑他,碰巧他心情好,便像高人般神秘笑笑。心情欠佳的話,他會諷刺地贈你兩句。初讀理論書的人,總以為自己比人走得前,偶然有些傲氣,馬國明也如是。

大家向他請教問題,他會有點不耐煩的說:呢個問題好簡單,你應該自己睇吓書。一面「教訓」你一面指導你。有巴芬道的常客記得:馬國明講完一大輪理論,便逕自自入廚房煮飯給大家吃。無知的聽眾感動之餘,還拜服得五體投地。

不被邀請發言的時候,馬國明很沉默。他早出晚歸。我後來才知道馬國明當聯會會長那年曾停學一年,密集地讀新左理論。每天乘最早一班火車(7時50分)返中大圖書館,傍晚便回聯會坐鎮,極其紀律。自修這一年,為他打下了深厚的理論基礎。他永遠班雅明,也是這個時候發現的。

我們女生平時有很多小話,偏是跟馬國明沒什麼生活對話。除了知道他曾經是輔祭,會唱拉丁文聖詩,一度成為修士外,他的喜惡愛好,我們都不大了了。回想起來,宿友還是各自行居多。偶而有國際朋友路過,大家或會碰頭聽聽國際形勢匯報。八十年代,中國社會變動頻仍,支援中國民主運動的核心份子也常來巴芬道借地方開會。每星期的活動都記牆上的白板上。外頭形勢低落時,總有人建議開社學習討論。巴芬道有一個四百呎的公共書房,四道牆,由天花至地板,全都是書架和書枱,有一個嵌在牆身沒使用的火爐,還有拾回來的英式真皮扶手單人梳化,我們就坐在這個充滿學究氣氛的書房做各種議題的研習。

我當時很珍惜這種自發的思想延伸活動,以為人人都很投入,誰知拍這套記錄片時跟馬國明舊事重提,他說那時某些學習令他打瞌睡,他對中共中央文件,無論幾多號,都沒有興趣。令他魂牽目眩的,只有新左,只有班雅明。打完瞌睡,馬國明繼續沉靜地我行我素。

我在巴芬道寄住的日子很短,兩年不夠,回憶起來,那番思念,還是浪漫纏綿的。這種把青春押下來換取知性成長的共生歲月,此生不再。馬國明在巴芬道的日子比誰都長,宿友來來去去,換了不知幾人,他由始至終,都在。有些人總是忠誠得如磐石般堅實,不容易動搖。馬國明的生活場景,似乎只有那麼幾個:早期是聯會和巴芬道,後期是曙光和家。每一處都應該是情深義重的。我以為馬國明和我一樣,對巴芬道有說不盡的綿綿情話,誰知他又不屑的說:「有什麼共同理想可言?不過是一間宿舍。」

或許他沒有拿起過,所以沒有東西要放下。馬國明本來無一物式的瀟灑,常常令我捉錯用神,覺得自己有點笨拙。曙光結業派對那天,他的忠誠老主顧,他的書迷,他的學生,他的運動朋友,都來了,個個柔腸百結。愛書的人,有熱情,但大部份含蓄內歛。小書室彷彿被太陽餘暉滿瀉,暖暖洋洋,沒有人宣佈開始也沒有人宣佈結束,各自各進行自己的告別式。今天的馬國明不見得有什麼傷感,反而很從容寬慰地和客人聊天,而且很有心思地影印了自己一篇關於買書/讀書的文章當禮物送給大家留念。

派對是他的年輕老主顧劉偉聰刻意安排的,場面樸素親切。客人一個個,低調的來低調的去。我和攝影師離開的時候,派對已接近尾聲。我一個散步往藝術中心看《黃幡翻飛處》,走著走著,忽而被一陣陣寂寞的空氣撲面襲來,原先以為是記錄片煞科的慣常失落,再往前走,才發現這糾結的虛空不由戛然中止的拍攝而來,它來自那場告別派對──那是喧鬧與平淡之間的反差效應,就像從睡夢中醒來後的悵惘,似有還無。終於在通往藝術中心的天橋上,我按奈不住打電話給肥佬編輯,告訴他著實擔心馬國明如何面對。肥佬編輯是馬明的粉絲,派對快要完結時,他沖沖趕來向馬國明討了一個簽名。我在車來車往的天橋上自言自語,肥佬編輯唯唯諾諾,說了幾句很行貨的安慰說話,人生總得要面對,什麼什麼的,彷彿馬國明快要從天橋上掉下來。

不管如何,還是很想了解馬國明是以怎樣的心情面對煙花墜地後的落寞,隔天打了電話給他,他的反應很平常:「冇呀,我覺得結局好圓滿。只是很心急趕回家吃飯。」自作多情的原來又是我。馬國明心如止水,沒有受不了的七上八落。

書店結業,大家以為馬國明會把大量好書搬回家去。那天到他家中拍攝,赫然發現他只有兩小格書架的藏書。我一向知道馬國明不崇尚物質,但他擁有之稀少,倒是我意料之外。那一刻,我覺得馬國明很厲害,他的書,早已讀進心裡去。

雖然他身邊刻意無書,馬國明給我印象最深的,始終離不開書。2003年第一屆牛棚書展,曙光是參展商,馬國明沒僱小貨車做運輸,所有書,都是他親自搬抬的。他抬書的姿勢,如工友枱米,先是紥穩馬步左右兩手把紙盒托上右肩,右手再把紙盒順勢按著,然後胸膛微微一挺,踏開厚實的腳步……我們在旁看著,彷彿沉醉在狄西加的寫實電影鏡頭般出神。我們賣書十年,從來沒有用這個姿勢頂過一盒書。放下來讓我們替你運回書局吧,出版社的同事驚詫得嘩嘩亂叫。馬國明如常淡然一笑:有幾重吖,自己來得喇。頭也不回施然而去。渾厚的軀體漸遠穿過牛棚大門,隨黃昏暗去。

每次回想起這片景象,總虛怯地覺得馬國明的身影歷歷在前,非常非常巨大。歲月匆匆,馬國明和書本不經不覺糾纏了二十八年。數數日子,我們相識的日子也差不多長,期間雖不常見,有機會見著,還是不生分,馬國明還是十年如一日的馬國明。眼鏡斷了臂,他隨便用膠布纏著繼續用下去──那是我們極其熟悉的馬國明。笑聲豪邁如昔。想是年紀大了,另又多了一重教師身份,說起話來,比前和悅許多。起碼我再沒聽見他傲慢的跟學生說:呢個問題好簡單,你應該自己睇吓書。

是這些直率的個性,這些特立的行徑,這些固執的堅持,讓我們沒有忘記馬國明。籌拍運動記錄片系列時,監製何芝君熱烈提出要拍馬國明。我毫無異議且一鼓作氣地執行。電影暫告一段落,馬國明繼續弘揚他的班雅明。我對班雅明一無所知,只讀過馬國明翻譯的《說故事人》,不能說什麼。對馬國明,我知道和不知道的同樣多,所以有些拍得出,有些拍不出。

"Her Anti-WTO" Full text

I was blunt and asked her directly the moment I pressed the record button on the camcorder, “What’s the WTO to you?”

Choi Fung reacted as if she was stung, and replied testily that I should not have asked this question. She said, rationally, she could list a hundred justifications for an anti-WTO stance, however she was not accustomed to operating this type of cause and consequence rationale. Her deeply held conviction was that the WTO is a mechanism with which strong countries bully weaker ones with unprecedented violence. This was what spurred her into undertaking anti-WTO activities.

Choi Fung embarked on her anti-WTO activities long before those of the People’s Assembly and her actions extended well after theirs. In fact, Choi Fung and her friends have not yet concluded their activities, and are already conserving resources for the next round of anti-WTO activities.

Early during the summer holidays, Choi Fung and her fellow activists did the rounds with an anti-WTO documentary video, hoping to raise public awareness of the imminent conference. This was followed by a social-movement film festival in an attempt to draw together activists. The Sunday before the commencement of the Conference they organised an anti-WTO poetry street event at Sai Yeung Choi Street pedestrian precinct, at a time when the street was at its most hectic, with mobile phone stalls intermingling with political party debating forums and charitable appeal stands. It was as if everyone is exercising their right to access public space.

This was not the first occasion that Choi Fung and her fellow activists worked the streets. They have often attempted to engage the public with impromptu street screening of political films which have at times landed them in the police station. The streets are, however, civic spaces, and their activities explore in practical terms the relationship between the public and the streets, redefining their nature to the extent of changing their function and appearance.

That day, the long banner lay stretched on the road surface, and attracted queries from the police. Perhaps they did not understand the “street poetry” pun and assumed the activists were performers of street theatre. Feigning insider knowledge they asked “Are you guys from FM Theatre Power?” Actually, the activists were only reading poetry. Passer-bys could pick up a leaflet folded in the shape of a gold ingot as a souvenir or to be read aloud. Every poem warned of the perilous imminence of the WTO. Standing beside a giant advertising screen blaring loud music, the young people took turns to recite poetry. One was Tang Ah Nam’s:

Global warming is putting the heat on the climate
Water resources are in short supply
Hungry animals are trekking from the withered forests
The World Trade building is crumbling
Starving insects have long migrated to the cities in search of food
Munching the desiccated earth.
Day by day the forests become more parched as the
Sound of dissonance emanates from the WTO

The tone was temperate and candid, and counterpoised callousness with tenderness.

As an activist, Choi Fung always placed great importance on communication between individuals, and tried vigorously to explain to a curious passer-by the significance of the WTO. I vaguely overheard her talking about the price of a cup of coffee, something to do with the workers….. The passer by nodded and left without taking a poem.

Like the atmosphere ahead of a gathering storm, the feeling of edginess and apprehension ebbed and flowed.

On the day of the first rally, I conducted a short interview with Choi Fung at the assembly point. She turned her face away as I switched on the camera, and was motionless for half a minute. With tears in her eyes, she said “I am worried, very worried that there will be insufficient support for the Korean peasants.” She had already made up her mind to make a sacrifice and march shoulder to shoulder with the protestors. After days of judicious consideration, she decided that she would risk arrest to carry out her action. Her only concern was that for her parents, so she wrote them a letter and put her savings into their account. Her intentions were much graver than I had originally assumed.

After the peaceful conclusion of the first rally, young demonstrators against the WTO from all over the world gathered to sing and dance at the carnival in Victoria Park. A gaunt-looking Choi Fung set up joss sticks in the grounds to mourn and pay respects to the victims of the WTO. The next evening, at six, Choi Fung and her friends came to the Golden Bauhinia Square, again to mourn the victims and protest against the WTO. She was still very anxious and spoke to the camera, “It is distressing that no one else feels the need to do something for those killed by the WTO.” She did not, however, specify what she meant by “do something”. The sound technician butted in, “What do you hope to achieve with such individualist action?” Choi Fung was not flustered and replied confidently, “There is no knowing how much influence an individual can wield in a campaign. Collective action may not be any more successful. What has the Democratic Party achieved?” Having been active in the movement as an anarchist for five years, Choi Fung was self -contended.

This “Mourning WTO” agitation was organised in cloak and dagger fashion through slipping small flyers to interested individuals on the day of the first rally. My friend kidded, “Why don’t you put the flyers in a moon cake?” Not far from the Golden Bauhinia Square was the Conference Centre where Ministers and big corporations would be wheeling and dealing, and which would be deemed a restricted zone the next day. The radiant faces of the young people rivalled the brilliant sunlight and I was curious to know their next move. The press pack knelt around them to get the best shot, with a solemnity that seemed to revere these young people.

Choi Fung and her friend performed obsequies with each step towards Wan Chai followed relentlessly by the press pack. At one stage, a journalist was overheard reporting to his chief on the phone, “They have just departed from the Square, I don’t know if they are courting confrontation.” Choi Fung and friends were only on route to afternoon tea at the Arts Centre, closely followed by a few plainclothes policemen.

This “Mourning the WTO” action unexpectedly captured the headlines. Yet Choi Fung was still very despondent. The WTO conference was about to begin, she and her friends have yet to decide on the action they were going to take in their attempt to stop it happening. They met through the night to discuss action. They came up with youthful and ingenious ideas. On the day of the second rally Choi Fung and her friends arrived early at Victoria Park, and spread a long white banner on the ground. It said, ”If the restricted zone is unjust, why do the people not step across it?”

This white banner was a prop for the rally. I had already realised that Choi Fung and her friends would not merely march passively with the protestors. Unsurprisingly, her contingent disappeared minutes after we left the Park. When I caught up with them, the ranks of the demonstrators had been divided up with the white banner straddling across their path. Choi Fung’s contingent chanted, “cross the unjust line!“. If the restricted zone is unjust, why don’t we step across it? Choi Fung’s intention was to encourage the protestors to break through the police road block into the restricted zone. Choi Fung’s group repeated this direct action at different point of the march. As they approached the designated demonstration area, they stretched the white banner in front of the police line. Blowing whistles, chanting slogans, they urged the protestors to cross the unjust line into the restricted zone. Choi Fung danced amongst the crowd, the brief excitement dispelling the melancholy of recent days. This was followed by another all night-long action meeting.

No one knew what the Korean Peasants’ plans were. Choi Fung and her friends provided a support service within the demonstration area. They had ready vast amounts of first aid material. Some of them even took first aid classes in preparation. There were few claims on their service, but they took their role seriously and checked their supplies daily and practiced drills with saline solutions, ready to rush into action at a moment’s notice. They looked very smart with their bright red arm bands. I gave it a close –up.

Every one was invigorated by action – if they were not in Victoria Park, they were rushing round the streets, filming, demonstrating, delivering support material …. Everyone had their own chosen role within the struggle, some happy, some serene. There were never enough people prepared to stay behind to provide support service. Reluctantly Choi Fung waited within the demonstration area, “I’d quite fancy being out there”, she said time and time again. The demonstration area was very tranquil when the protestors were not there confronting the police, and the on-shore wind blew languorously. I mocked her gently, “It is difficult to fill the hours with struggle?” She dissembled briefly but then added “Struggle is not boring, there is loads of backroom work to be done”.

She’s right, there was no respite, there were phone calls to be made and answered, comrades to be kept in touch, news to be passed on. All these required someone to co-ordinate and facilitate. Circumstances changed inexorably and everyone in the campaign had to adapt to these changes, irrespective of personal preference for direct action. I got to see the gentler side of Choi Fung’s nature. She was tender and caring. She unreservedly gave her meal to someone who was hungry; I forgot to bring DV tapes, she lent me some immediately, after first taking care to remove the awkward packaging for me.

Every now and then, protestors turned up in the demonstration area, and the sound of slogans filled the air, “Down, Down WTO!” Suddenly news was received that the Korean peasants were marching and kowtowing every third step towards the Conference centre. Choi Fung was faced with a dilemma; she was desperate to join their ranks, however, she could not abandon her duties at the base. She came to a quick decision; she would send several of the youth nearby to join the march and show solidarity. I took this opportunity to ask one of the lads to speak on camera what the Korean peasants’ action meant to him. He had never been a garrulous sort; he just shook his head silently, as if he felt unable to express his thoughts and emotions in words.

When the Korean peasants came close to the demonstration area, Choi Fung joined them without fuss. In these few short minutes, she bridged the sectionalism between protestors. At the end of the march, they hugged and shook hands with the peasants. Choi Fung passed round her Korean cigarettes and broke the language barrier that divided them. The Koreans peasants taught them Korean chants “Come on, come on”. It was like the tower of Babel. The mood was one of innocent delight. With several hundred singing and dancing Korean peasants, morale was high. The sound of laughter mingled with the residual smell of the pepper spray, embodying an emergent and potent force.

The “one kowtow at every three steps” action won over hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong citizens, not least Choi Fung and her friends. Since the start of the campaign, I brought them confectionary everyday to keep them going, and to cheer them on…. Belgium chocolate, Chinese cookies, Japanese pears….. all the delicacies I could bring from home. I tried to match their innovative stunts with original snacks. Whilst I was fretting about what titbit I could bring them, Choi Fung and Wai Yee, Ah Cat and Ah Koo announced that they were going on hunger strike.

The sun was still shinning. I have been following Choi Fung’s activities with the camcorder as if I was in paid service. The “one kowtow at every three steps” tactic was a master stroke. I wondered what type of action Choi Fung would initiate to complement this. I arrived at the demonstration area earlier than usual to find her there before me. They had already started making a new banner with their “Declaration of Hunger Strike”. Since the start of the anti-WTO campaign, they have wrack their brains over the type of action they could take in support of the Korean. Choi Fung was vexed over this issue. They finally settled on making a physical statement by going on hunger strike. “In the face of an extreme and violent force, hunger strike is the only weapon in the arsenal of peaceful protest” (Declaration of Hunger Strike) Choi Fung and her friends met after each demonstration. The meeting that took place after the “one kowtow at every three steps” action was particularly lengthy. What would be an appropriate solidarity action? After much deliberation, they settled on hunger strike. “How else could we show our respect and concern for the Korean protestors, and at the same time demonstrate our anger at the WTO’s impoverishment of the developing world and its accomplice, the government of Hong Kong?” (Declaration of Hunger Strike)

They only came to this decision at five in the morning. None of them had ever gone on hunger strike before and modestly promised to do their best to stay the course. Three further friends agreed to join them. As it turned out, they were still going strong at the end of the Conference, 70 hours later. Ever since the “ one kowtow at every three steps” action, the police endeavoured to paralyse Wan Chai with rumour mongering, fabricating terrorist threats. At one stage, 900 demonstrators were inhumanely incarcerated. Yet the hunger strikers did not let up their protest. Whilst the protestors were held in police custody, Choi Fung and Wai Yee were energetically liaising with protestors outside, checking up on everyone’s safety and making valuable suggestions to others to sustain their effort.

The strike gained them support and the hunger strike camp became a sight-seeing spot. Reporters, spectators, nosey-parkers, day trippers from the mainland as well as plain-clothes policemen hung around. On the second day of the hunger strike, Choi Fung’s first words to my camera were to complain about harassment by undercover police. While she was taking a nap, her companion Wai Yee explained that there were lots of suspicious characters lurking around, some offered shade or brought them soup; some wanted to befriend them. It was obvious they were bogus sympathisers, with dubious intent. There were even couples pretending to be lovers strolling by in the middle of the night! Choi Fung was outraged. She bolted up right from her bed and said hoarsely to the camera, “They are trying to swindle my trust and emotion.” Choi Fung was not usually mistrustful, but now, she would be spooked by alien faces, setting her off on a rant against the plain clothes police.

For obvious reasons the hunger strike camp became the base for all their activities. Friends gathered there and the hunger strikers used it as their living quarters. Wai Yee set about marking her students’ homework; Ah Cat did her revision; Ah Koo and his friends debated; Choi Fung chatted on her phone. Involuntarily I became part of the gang as I huddled under the blanket with them against the wind. It was then I realised the potency of collective action, not only against wind chill, but in keeping each other’s spirits up and persevering. No wonder they all looked glowing each time I came to visit them. Ah Cat, who is still at University, looked determined and unperturbed. She was over whelmed by the actions. I remember someone suggested attending the candle-lit rally organised to oppose the political reforms proposed in Government Report Number 5, Ah Cat replied with a contempt, “I couldn’t care less about political reforms”. It was assumed that Ah Koo, who was rather slight and bashful would not be able to maintain the hunger strike. Amazingly, he steadfastly continued with it after a few hours’ rest. In the ten or so days of the hunger strike, he only went home once for 20 minutes for his family’s winter festival meal. The rest of the time he was working for the campaign. Wai Yee was a little more mature and experienced in community action. She was calm and collected. That morning I filmed her deep in her work, marking books. Her studious composure not only matched Wang Deng in his heyday, but also surpassed him in gracefulness. Once she decided to go on hunger strike, Choi Fung was more self-possessed. She slept whenever she could, and gave her all when she was required. Such flexibility revealed her appreciation of the importance of being an individual cog in any campaign.

The only frantic moment was when the police deployed water cannons against the protestors. The victims scampered back to the hunger strike camp, some were soaked to their skin; some had their camcorders ruined; others had to be treated with saline solution to rinse their eyes. The hunger strike camp was transformed instantly into a first aid centre. All the hunger strikers got off their beds and pitched in with their assistance. Even my camera had to take five. All had opted to join the ranks of the Korean peasant against the police in pursuit of a common cause. One person broke into tears. At this sight Choi Fung rushed to the demonstration area in a frenzied attempt to stop the others returning to the scene to confront the police. Regretted that I was not able to capture this moment on film.

The night that followed was remarkably peaceful. All the young people flocked to Gloucester Road. The Conference was about to end, yet the fate of the arrested was still unknown, the hunger strike could not end then as there was not a more meaningful way to protest. So they decided to extend the hunger strike and to move camp to Kwun Tong Police station to show solidarity.

Extending the hunger strike did not attract the media, but it did, however, provide more tangible support for the detained Korean peasants. That evening, each tourist bus bringing the apprehended peasants to the police station was greeted with uproarious support from those on hunger strike at the gate. The Koreans acknowledged them with a wave and a smile. I am convinced that this fleeting eye contact and smile gave solace to both parties. The will to struggle can be sustained immeasurably if one is not alone.

The people who decided to join the 24-hour hunger strike were all new to this, including myself. I had unexpectedly turned from being a recorder of events into a participant in the event. Whilst I have never been a passive observer, I had not seriously contemplated taking part in a hunger strike. During the tumultuous campaign for residential rights, though I had once considered joining Father Mella on his hunger strike, I did not eventually take part, possibly because of my concern about being able to sustain it. On this occasion, as I took part and contributed to the impromptu meeting that came to this decision, I felt that I should provide mutual support. Furthermore I really wanted to put myself in the shoes of the Korean peasants. Going on hunger strike is a means of experiencing other people’s hardship. On the day of the “ one kowtow at every three three steps”action, I interviewed a 16-year old school girl who joined the Korean peasants. She said, “These are grown men, why would they kowtow to us? They must have some heartfelt reasons to do this.” She knelt alongside the Koreans to empathise with them. I wondered if she achieved this. For my part, the lesson I learnt from participating in a 24-hour strike was a recognition that it is too short as a protest, both for the participants and their targeted mass. That’s why the Democratic Party’s 24 hour hunger strike is risible. I came away however, with an insight that for the oppressed, the capacity for resistance is infinite.

Choi Fung encouraged us as we left, “Be brave.” If we were bold, we would not be deterred by any possible outcome. That was how she accomplished her 70 hours hunger strike. I remembered she spoke to the camera on the first day, “Our bodies react differently, we must not make assumptions about how we would respond…. Do not let your body dictate your actions, let your convictions be the determinant…. We don’t need to eat 3 meals a day, we all habitually overeat.”

She concluded her hunger strike late in the night. The next day, she came to Kwun Tong to support the other hunger strikers. Refreshed by a good night’s sleep, a change of clothes and a shower, she looked radiant with her gleaming long hair. I teased her, “You look like Lin Qing Xian with that mane of hair!” She was once again solicitous and turned her hand to any practical tasks. Later on the strikers moved camp to the entrance of the law courts across the road. There, whilst we were idling we got chatting, I learnt that she was a much loved “princess” at home, who had never had to worry about the next meal. Here, she was willing to undertake any number of menial tasks.

The regime at the new camp was as free and easy as the previous one. I was very taken with this independent spirit. The protest could take whichever form one chose. No one laid down the law. The law courts were on a busy road. A passer-by asked to use the megaphone when he found out that it was an anti-WTO demonstration. He wouldn’t say why he wanted it. As it turned out, he used it to chant anti-WTO slogans for over an hour in a monotone, “It is not a crime to protest against the WTO, release all those arrested immediately!” He did the same again the next day, no body joined in the chanting, but he seemed quite pleased with this state of affairs.

Whilst he chanted, another protestor chose to beat a drum, still another banged on the door of the law court with a bamboo pole, and experimented with its sound effects. Ah Koo and Ah Cat held high placards saying “Shame on the police”. Someone attached this sign to the bus stop. Yet another person use empty plastic bottles as primeval percussion instruments as an expression of his protest. There was no commander, no one give orders to start chanting or when to stop. A couple of policemen came to spy on the demonstrators, but unable to witness any violence, fruitlessly they departed. The young man with the drum reported cheerily to the others, “Great, we got rid of two policemen.” This demonstration was peaceable and anti-feudal, a great step forward for the people.

The campaign had progressed from street demonstrations to the legal stage, there was little else that we could do. After 10 or more days’ agitation, Choi Fung and her friends nonetheless felt they had the strength to carry on. On Christmas night they turned up outside Sogo, singing and chanting, demanding the dropping of the charges and the release of the 14 who were still in custody. When I arrived, Choi Fung was slumped by the roadside, worn out. The others were staging street theatre. Ah Wai dedicated a new rhyme – “WTO kills, we fight back, suppression of the people is an outrage, release those in custody, drop all charges!” We tapped and clapped in unison, our voices rising along with our optimism.

My camera charted their rhythmic movement. I looked round and Choi Fung had gone. On the way home I received an SMS from her, “I am too tired tonight, maybe I cried too much last night. I am frustrated but I don’t know what else I can do. On this festive night, they are detained here and cannot be united with their family…”

Kong king chu
2005/12/27

《組織這麼說》全文

電影、文學和政治影響了她的一生。

小學階段,寶瑩和姐姐沉迷看電影。一有空,便翻開報紙看電影廣告。

家住深水埗,但遠至國泰,東城,京都等,那些在灣仔的戲院,她們一樣去。六十年代末期,交通還不算發達,兩姐妹,不怕路途有多遙長,想看就去。

有次發現一齣電影叫《風月寶鑑》,以為是Ken Russell 的《women in love》,公餘場,票價稍平,兩姐妹又興高彩烈仆倒去,黑暗中,才知道是另一部日本咸濕戲...

中學後期,寶瑩加入火鳥電影會。在佐敦道一幢舊樓裡,瘋狂看歐陸電影。一齣戲,反反覆覆地看它三五七遍。安東尼奧尼、貝托魯奇、費里尼等大師作品,更加令她沉醉。電影的真實與虛妄,冷靜和熱情,激發她無窮的想像。

「當時我是一個普通的女孩子,返學,放學...喜歡電影,是因為它給予我日常生活以外的一些經驗。一些我沒有想過的事情,竟然在電影裡發生,就拓闊了我的幻想空間。」

每個影迷的心裡,都有難以忘懷,或足以影響一生的電影。她的那一套叫:《無限風光在險峯》(Zabriskie Point),導演安東尼奧尼(Michelangelo Antonioni)。

電影講美國學生反越戰爭民主,男主角失手打死一名警察,偷了一部小型飛機後逃亡。與此同時,在大公司上班的女秘書不知何故獨自驅車穿越沙漠,兩人在路上相遇,做愛。荒野中,還有其他做愛的男女,充滿活力和浪漫。後來男主角被警察擊斃,女主角悲傷不已。結局時,女主角仇恨地注視那幢象徵資本主義堡壘的豪華別墅,幻覺中,別墅開始了一次又一次的大爆炸...


「我從影室出來,心中如女主角一樣充滿仇恨。站在街上,看著路人走過,覺得大家非常麻木不仁...從那時開始,我對那些一個人去反抗社會制度的所謂荒謬英雄,特別有認同。」

一如她傾心的兩個小說作品:卡夫卡的《審判》及卡謬的《異鄉人》,主角都是這類荒謬英雄:很有自己的意見,沒想過要反抗社會,最後還是給制度壓平。這種悲劇氣息,寶瑩喜歡極了。

電影不斷給她新的刺激。看《大暗殺》,她又發現另一個革命悲劇英雄:托洛茨基。為了加深認識,她特意到圖書館找關於托洛茨基的著作,可惜是英文版本,她似懂非懂。

文藝女子,不是看電影就是逛書店。偶然間,讀到一本《左岸》雜誌,裡頭有大量講述蘇聯婦女解放,中國革命的文章,都是她有興趣的課題。最讓她驚喜的是,還有文章介紹托洛茨基。還在什麼地方舉行討論會等等。

她滿懷熱誠,跑去參加。從此走上一條跟電影情節一樣燦爛的道路。

《左岸》擁護托洛茨基主義。由中國革命共產党社會主義社(即中國托派青年團)出版。團員都是心懷世界,熱愛思考的秀異份子,寶瑩覺得他們很可以親近。組織的領導層也察覺寶瑩聰慧好學,很努力爭取她。本來準備報考大學的寶瑩,結果放棄了。反而加入了托派組織,模塑一個新的自己。

當時的托派組織各有主見,廿多人,卻分成兩派,領袖人物是吳仲賢及李懷明。其時社運蓬勃,兩派在金禧事件上也有合作。吳仲賢審度政治形勢,力主兩派統一才能影響大局,提出沒有統一就沒有希望的說法。結果合併為革命馬克思主義聯盟(簡稱革馬盟)。

七十年代,革馬盟積極介入社會運動,出版機關刊物《戰訊》,表述對中國及香港社會的意見。主要立場是「三反」:反資本主義、反殖民地主義、反官僚主義。為了更有效地散播組織思想,組織成員更定期到學校門前兜售《戰訊》。

運動期間,不時派發傳單,分析形勢,號召群眾起來行動。由於政治取向鮮明,當時組織並不受運動界歡迎。社運團體搞聯席會議,革馬盟多數不被批准加入。甚至連旁聽會議也被拒絕。到處受排擠,反令組織成員更加內聚,更有鬥志。

組織開啟了寶瑩的理性思維。參加讀書班,討論會,組內成員個個雄辯滔滔,經常為革命理論激烈發表意見。本來只浸淫在文學與電影世界裡的她,開始閱讀馬克思、列寧、托洛茨基及其他托派理論家的著作,掌握了一套新的政治詞彙。漸漸也學會以這種方式和同志溝通。

這種政治學習並不容易。寶瑩愛讀書愛寫作,但都是從個人感情出發,傷春悲秋。組織的同志,不論是閱讀,發言或寫文章,都輕而易舉地拋出洋洋灑灑的高論,開口閉口都是革命大道理。馬克思這樣說,列寧那樣說...一向被同學奉為才女的寶瑩,在他們面前,一下子變得很笨拙。

同志男朋友也批評她不夠理性,不會寫思想性文章。還嚴厲地告誡她要自強,要做獨立戰士,不得倚賴別人。眼前個個,都是聰明亮麗的理想青年,每逢回到組織,她很高興,也很辛苦。同志發言了,自己該有點什麼回應罷,但政治理念還未鞏固,她總是感到無所適從。

一次開會,她再受不了,躲在廁所哭個不停。心裡不斷掙扎:回到以前的生活去罷...回到以前的生活去罷...

然而這是一條只有前進沒有退後的理性之途。說到底,她是喜歡的。既然選擇了,就努力做到最好罷。對政治,寶瑩其實不算陌生。她父親從前是國民黨軍官,來港後依然關心時政,不時跟子女講述政治形勢,受父親影響,她響往自由的美國,討厭共產中國。想不通的是:既然共產黨那麼恐怖,為什麼還有那麼多精英擁護呢?於是她向朋友借了一本毛語錄來看。結果還是不解。

這個不明白,多年以後才漸漸得到解答。在組織內研習理論,寶瑩終於認清了社會主義值得傾慕的地方是它提倡人的解放。托派理論也解釋了中國共產黨的墮落性質。那時候,她確認自己是社會主義者。相信通過鬥爭可以改變腐朽的資本主義社會,也相信自己會為一個合理的社會而奮鬥。

組織雖然只有幾十人,但也有路線鬥爭,成員要表態,寶瑩唯有拚命閱讀來充實自己,訓練自己的知性思維。也很刻意的改變自己,讓自己成為組織的一部份。

革馬盟著重行動,主張沖擊現有政治制度。1977年,橫頭磡馬仔坑村一條橫跨龍翔道高速公路的木橋被政府折去,引起居民不滿,在炎熱的一個晚上召開居民大會控訴政府。組織派寶瑩和幾個同志到現場去,看看可以怎樣介入。

居民大會平安無事。第二天,她翻開明報才嚇了一大跳:新聞形容參加居民大會的,像暴民一樣。整晚在現場觀察的寶瑩,倒沒這個感覺。那一刻,她猛然驚醒,原來報張(章)也不能盡信。一則新聞如何報導,當中包含複雜的政治。

現實令本來清醒的她,更加清醒,義無反顧跟主流對抗。而她知道,個人力量極其渺小,唯有把自己的生活和組織的生活結合起來,才有推翻制度的希望。

組織在大方向上依循第四國際路線。七十年代,第四國際認定青年是國際托派運動的主要力量,必須積極介入工作。組織於是派遣了寶瑩考入浸會學院,做職業學生。具體任務不是讀書,而是吸收其他學生,影響當時的學生運動。

1977年,寶瑩入讀浸會書院,參加校內一個關社小團體。跟大夥兒一起參加金禧,艇戶等社會運動。在會議上,爭取發言機會,提出托派觀點,企圖影響大會議決。其間一直掩藏職業學生的身份,結識系內同學。

翌年,校內學生會選舉,寶瑩本來要加入被認為是改革派的羅樹基內閣,挑戰屬於學聯系統的舊有保守勢力侯叔祺內閣。可是羅的一位重要內閣成員卻跟她說:「你是托派,還是不要加入我們,免我們受負面影響。」

托派成員雖然勤於學習,敏於思考,勇於行動,學生及社運團體卻不怎麼喜歡他們。不是不明白他們的理論,就是嫌棄他們的政治姿態,生怕沾污學生運動的純粹性,硬是不能接受他們。寶瑩連加入侯選學生會內閣的機會也受剥奪。她很傷心,來學校兩年,竟不能爭取到任何一個同學的支持,真是失敗頂透。

組織批評她的表現。她的意志嚴重受打擊,忽而消沉起來。
「我感到失望極了,一定是我做得不夠好,組織才不滿意。我非常內疚和自責。沒有動力上學。整個人信心盡失,好一段日子都提不起勁,常常像發病似的。完全不想跟別人提及做學生的事。偶而和組織內的同志談起,就哭個不休。」

加入組織,寶瑩處處努力改造自己,仿佛還未達致要求,她情緒極度低落,但也沒想過離開組織。
「可能我很早已認識五四運動,也讀過大量五四文學,很響(嚮)往那種把青春投進革命去的生活,我們的組織也有這樣的氣氛,大家都很投身,每晚見面,開政治會議,做形勢分析,你的同志就是你的朋友,甚至連談戀愛也是同一班人,彼此關係極其密切,我挺喜歡。」

讓她從挫敗中甦醒的,是第四國際的另一條新路線。八十年代初,學生運動退潮,組織認為革命力量極有可能來自產業工人,號召各地同志投身工人運動。這個時候,寶瑩被組織指派去跟一個托派前輩學車衣,三個月後,由前輩帶領,幾個組織內的女孩子就到製衣廠當製衣女工。

入廠前,前輩面授了做工友的三大注意:一,要勤力,不可吊兒郎當;二,要學好技術,才能爭取工友的信服;三,不能因為自己牽累別人沒有得開工。

這三大注意,寶瑩牢牢記著。天天上班,和工友和洽相處。可是還是受到批評。寶瑩做事一向快手快腳,她負責鈒骨,一下子便做妥眼前工夫,百無聊賴,便伏在衣車上睡覺。有些工友看不順眼,冷說道:「以為自己好巴閉咩?」
無論本身意願有多誠懇,原來人家還是覺得她浮誇,不踏實。她倒學會原來要讓人信服,沒那麼容易。

幾年下來,製衣業界風平浪靜,沒什麼工潮。頂多是個別部門跟管工講講價錢而已。
「製衣廠的經驗卻對我個人成長很有幫助,學會了工作必須要有紀律。認識了不同階層的朋友,我對基層工友的關懷,是從這裡開始的。」

她還記得,一天午飯時份,警察在熙來攘往的工廠區拉小販。一個小女孩被拉個正著,一臉無奈。這個時侯,一位金毛飛挺身而出罵差佬無無良。讓她知道什麼叫階級感情。面對不公平,終究是會有人反抗的。

「當人的命運被扭曲時,我感到難以忍受。我在工廠時,最看得多是人在制度卡壓下那種不由自主。那時我有一個要好的工友,忽然與一個她不怎麼喜歡的男人結婚,目的只是想有自己的家,有一個居所。當初我不明白她為什麼這樣選擇,倍(陪)嫁那天,去到她狹隘的家居,才明白過來...這也令我想到婦女解放的問題。制度太龐大,人要走自己的路並不容易。」

八十年代初,第四國際呼籲各地組織培養工人及婦女同志。寶瑩積極爭取,自費往荷蘭參加婦女幹部訓練班。短短三個月,擴展了她的國際視野。回到香港,和十多位關心兩性議題的年輕女子創立新婦女恊進會,大展拳腳搞婦運。

婦進創會會員意識形態不盡相同,有進取有保守。寶瑩的政治取態卻從沒改變,在婦進,她只有興趣落區跟基層婦女打交道。相對「組織」,婦進比較包容和溫馨,寶瑩樂得來去自如,有合適的議題才參與。

1984年,女兒出世,寶瑩離開工廠。

除了八九民運,整個八十年代,香港社會運動異常低潮,一直緊密關注中國民主運動的革馬盟,也由於民運的沉寂而無所發揮,寶瑩能夠做的,只是繼續派傳單,繼續遭受社運界排斥。

組織領導人星散,再沒有明確路向指引。同志灰心的有,退縮的有,大家飄零四散。內憂外患,革馬盟的邊緣性,更加突顯,組織名存實亡。還未死心的中層幹部,包括寶瑩和梁國雄,透過民運加入早期的四五行動,催化另一激進力量,繼續實踐未完的理想。

這個時侯,婦女議題成為寶瑩最大的關注。透過工作及重新上學,她貼近了被虐婦女和產業女工,向前多走了一步。

「政治生活永遠是我的第一選擇。當政治生活不如意時,我便投入私人生活來逃避苦悶。九十年代,我的私生活是上揚的,說明那是政治低壓期。相反,個人生活出問題時,我會更加擁抱政治。」

2000年,寶瑩重新再運動...